Otto Kirchheimer postulated a general pattern of evolution due to the conversion of mass parties into catch-all parties in the context of post-industrial democracies. The mass integration party, product of an age with harder class lines and more sharply protruding denominational structures was transformed into a catch all “people’s” party. Abandoning attempts at the intellectual and moral encadrement of the masses, it turned more fully to the electoral scene, trying to exchange effectiveness in depth for a wider audience and more immediate electoral success.
This concept was inspired by a rational choice approach to politics, in winch the party is seen as a political enterprise competing with others for power in the electoral market.
Though Kirchheimer’s type of political party clearly contributed the understanding of parties, some amendments are necessary. There is no such thing as a unique type of party organization. There is no irreversible and universal trend towards de-ideologization. There is no the decay and reduction in numbers of oil other parties: the small parties and the anti-system parties.
The rise of the Reform Party and of the Bloc Québécois has provided new incentives and evidence to reconsider predominant paradigms on the role of third parties with respect to the systemic logic and fane turning of twopartism in multiparty formats. The issues of re-structuring of party systems and of transitions from one type of mechanics to another are to be seen in an open prospective tint restricted by rigid conceptions of the mechanics of party systems. It seems that more emphasis could and should be put on multidimensional potential of politics. Third parties should not be seen merely as a possible substitution for the major-parties within the framework of twopartism, but they could be recognized as agents of change and realignments, as vehicles for the challenge of established patterns and issue dimensions cutting across existing cleavages and ideological lines of division. The Canadian case suggests that an analysis of preference-accommodating and/or preference-shaping strategies of the third parties could be quite necessary for a proper explanation of the changing realignments within party arrangements and for a sophisticated understanding of their functioning, too.
Third parties, multidimensional politics, canada, Bloc Québécois
Comments to problems of ethnical and civic Vergens in the Polish society from thestandpoint of analysis of three laws on Polish state citizenship. Analysis of temporary situation concerning attaining the Polish citizenship on the background of the last period.
The article throws a light onto the historical backgrounds which have influenced wordings of the adopted laws and gives preferences of some legal advancements during the period before 1989. It also interestingly shows the impact of the Second World War on the national structure of the Polish society and explains the fact how a multinational state turned into a monolithic society. The article also points at the official state politics towards national minorities as well as at attitudes of majority community members. After opening of borders, Poland has run into the same problems as West-European countries which mainly concerns refugees migrating due to economic reasons. A difficult problem is also formed of gradual come-back of Polish natives brought to the territory of former United Union during the Second World War. Question of obtaining double citizenship of German national minority citizens living in Poland is also devoted attention to.
The article deals with analysis of several important political parties which are considered as right-wing ones in Poland. It concerns, above all, opposition parties with postsolidarical tradition. The author tries to point at an impact, of this influence on the common advancement development concept of more parties. Following the lost parlamentary elections in 1993 and presidential elections in 1995, the right-wing parties associated in so-called Election Action of Solidarity (Akcja Wyborcza Solidamosc, AWS) and in so-called Movement for National Revival of Poland (Ruch Odbudowy Polski, ROP), have a possibility of getting back to the Sejm a Senate. The former president Lech Walesa who tries to bring together standpoints of the Fredom Union (Unia Wolnasci, UW) with opinions of the Independent Trade Union of Solidarita (Niezalezny Samorzadny Zwiazek, Zawodowy Solidarnosc, NSZZ”S”), plays an important role in this process. According to the last opinion polls, this would mean a strong restriction of opposition positions of the governing parties of the Union of Democratic Left-Wing (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and of the Polish National Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL).