Archiv 3/1995

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The article deals with definitions of the terms of “pluralism” and “corporatism” and their mutual relations. Both of these terms belonging into the sphere of political theory describe relations among state, society and the individual. Pluralism and corporatism are not recognized as alternatives but they complement each other. Pluralism represents aspects of participation on political mediation of interests (input-function) while corporatism supports political processes of directing (output-function). In separate parts of the article, the development of corporatism and pluralism is described from the philosophical as well as from the political point of view. A topical discussion on the above mentioned topic is dealt with in a great detail. Such discussions are being led especially in Anglo-American and German societies (for example on the topics of so-called liberal corporatism, socialist pluralism etc.). The concluding part of the article is devoted to the future participation of organized interests in the processes of political decision making. At the same time, the author emphasizes two problems: the difference of levels of relations among the state and the unions and perforation of clear borders among individual systems (in the frame of so-called political networks). An abundant index of literature dealing with this topic is added.

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Pluralism, corporatism, political theory, input-function, output-function

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The presented paper examines possible roles and dangers of various types of political terrorism with respect to the working of liberal democratic systems. It argues that terrorism should not be seen as a strategy of futility. It is difficult to measure and assess the consequences, especially in a long-term perspective, of that especially malign form of psychological warfare. Terrorism could be very dangerous, both directly and mdirectly, because the terrorist violence - any terrorist violence, no matter what its political purpose is - inevitably damages democratic political culture and undermines the basis of confidence, cooperation and consensus without which no democracy could work and survive. It might also provoke counter-measures and reactions against the menace of terrorism, which could well be un-democratic and very harmful with respect to the future of democratic systems. Democracy should win over the terrorists in a democratic way only, otherwise there would be a possibility that the victory might turn into a victory over democracy, too.

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Democracy, terrorism, political terrorism, Democratic systems, extremist political violence

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This paper presents a brief survey of the debate between liberals and communitarians, which has taken place in the last 15 years in the American political philosophy. It introduces the main terms and issues of the debate in which protagonists of the Kantian turn in the liberal philosophy in 1970s - R. Nozick, R. Dworkin and J. Rawls - have been attacked by their communitarian critics - M. Sandel A. MacIntyre, M. Walzer and others. The core themes of the conflict are compared with the terms of the older discussions about the difference between the liberty of the ancien and the liberty of the modern (B. Constant) and between the negative and positive liberty (I. Berlin). The debate is then put into the context of the two strands of the American political culture which also represent two rival interpretations - the republican and the liberal - of the American Revolution. Yet another strand of the American political tradition is identified, that linked with the names of R. W. Emerson and H. D. Thoreau, and based on the ideal of democratic individuality. Finally, the stakes of the liberal-communitarian debate are related to the recent attempts to complement the liberal tradition by the ideas of the French post-structuralist and neo-Nietzschean thought.

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Individualism, communitarianism, discussion on liberalism, value of community

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The paper deals with the first phase of constituting and institutionalizing of the German political science at the end of the forties and fifties. The author points to the uneasy relationship between the new scientific branch and the former tradition of the scientific study of politics in Germany; he comprehensively deals with the influence and motives of the building-up of the post-war German political science; he shows the most influential groups taking part in the constituting thereof, and describes the intricate process of laying foundations of the first institutions of political science. Most of all, this period is characterized by a strong external political pressure on the introducing of the new branch; it but with difficulties and only gradually managed to get over the distrust and unwillingness of the established scientific branches to change the existing university system and to accept the political science as an “ordinary” scientific branch. The situation was even made worse by the non-existence of a scientific infrastructure, insufficiently developed research and the lack of scientists qualified in political science. The understanding of political science as a branch of science with primarily educational tasks in building-up of democratic political culture in Germany, slowed down the shift-over of political science to a “normal scientific discipline”, and complicated its reception by the German university system. On the other hand, the propitious institutional conditions caused by external pressure and personal “help” from the German emigrés working in the U.S.A. and scientists from the neighbouring branches have contributed to its gradual establishing at the German universities. As for the content, the initial phase was dominated by the orientation onto the field of political education, the research developing only slowly. The substantial part of the efforts of the first generation of the German political scientists was used up by institutional problems. The shaping of particular institutions and personalities, of different meta-theoretical positions and of schools of political science was a matter of further development.

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German political science, constituting, institutionalizing

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This article deals with current problems of U.N.’s mediation of international conflicts and disputes. It stresses the influence of its character of multinational organization which prevents U.N. from being an effective mediator. The author shows examples of conflicts, which were successfully mediated through U.N., and explains the circumstances which made it possible. Then author proceeds and enumerates the necessary abilities which an effective mediator must posses in order to be successful. The necessary functions are then compared with the currently available tools which a U.N. mediators have. The article also suggests some ways of improving the effectiveness of U.N. mediation effort.

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United Nations, problems, fail, mediation, international conflicts

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The article deals with characteristic marks in the development of liberalism which is being understood as one of the main thought streams on which the origin and further development of modern society and state are based. The article is composed as a systematic classification of thought prerequisitions of liberalism and, subsequently its development eras (originating, classical, new, modern and consequently even neoliberalism). Liberalism is viewed as an open system of thoughts and values, its still valid definition marks being emphasized.

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Liberalism, open thought, modern society, modern state

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Hubert Sickinger, Rainer Nick (1990). Politisches Geld, Thaur, 220 stran.

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Elias Canetti (1994). Masa a moc, Praha: Arcadia, 543 stran.

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Steve Bruce (1994). The Edge of the Union, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 176 stran.

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Hubert Ripka (1995). Únorová tragédie. Svědectví přímého účastníka, Paris: Plon Press, 304 stran.

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Miroslav Foret (1994). Komunikace s veřejností, Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 206 stran.

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Samuel P. Huntington (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 366 stran.

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John Rawls (1995). Teorie spravedlnosti, Praha: Victoria Publishing, 341 stran.

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Miloš Havelka (ed.) (1995). Spor o smysl českých dějin 1895-1938, Praha: Torst, 869 stran.

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