Archive 4/2000

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The purpose of this paper is to provide a political science analysis of the electoral system subsequent to the reforms approved in July 2000. The separate components of the set of electoral rules are scrutinised under the microscope of model calculations. The anatomy of the electoral system is then examined, particularly with respect to different-sized constituencies and with the help of two basic mathematical methods. The most important task, however, was not to examine the details for their own sake, but to define the basic characteristics of the reform's electoral mechanism, particularly with regard to the constitutionally-enshrined principle of proportional representation that applies to elections to the Lower Chamber of Czech parliament. In the context of this analysis, an attempt is made to modify the political science definition of the system of proportional representation by means of a quantifiable measurement.

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Proportional electoral system, election law, disproportional electoral systém, czech parliament

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The paper describes some basic facts about electoral geography in Republic of Slovenia. Autors analyse the connection between electoral results and geographical division of Slovenia mainly in parliamentary elections November 2000 and 1996. In the first part of this study are shown some basic remarks about electoral geography as part of the political geography. Then the study shows fundamental information about the Slovenian system of political parties. The electoral system and its changes from this year are also described. The main part of the study dealt with the analysis of electoral results of two last parliamentary elections on the level of electoral units and districts. Autors analyse also the results of the Slovenian party blocs. The Slovenian political parties are divided into centerleft and centerright blocs. As the typical features of the Slovenian political map could be mentioned the east-west division between areas where the right wing parties are stronger (the eastern part) and the strongholds of the left (western part). Both main political blocs consist of both urban and rural based parties. Generally is the left stronger in towns.

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Electoral geography, Slovenia, geographical division, parliamentary elections

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The theory of cleavages is a sociological and historical approach which describes some sorts of conditions of functioning of political parties and party systems. The classic variant of this theory, presented in the 1960s by Stein Rokkan and S. M. Lipset, is not very suitable for description and explication of party systems in “postcommunist” countries. Author tries in present article to accommodate this approach to make it more useful for the interpretation of party systems in transition. This attempt is based upon the analyse of cleavage-models for die transitional period in Central and South - Eastern Europe presented by Attila Ágh, Maurizio Cotta, Klaus von Beyme, Riszard Herbut and György Márkus. The theory of cleavages of transition is elaborated according to these approaches and according to authors own analyses. There are two possible main cleavages of transformation according to this theory: the nationalistic cleavage and the socioeconomical one. The nationalistic cleavage can be generated from three sources. This cleavage could develop as a result of presence of strong ethnic minority. The second possible source can be described as external - the presence of some neighbouring national state which is seen as a traditional enemy by some parts of population and by some political parties. The third reason could be existence of the axiologically based controversy concerning preferred models of ideal form of state. In this case, party spectrum is divided between nationalistic parties and forces that prefere civic based society. The socioeconomical cleavage of transformation can’t be simply identified with the rokkanian cleavage employers counter employees, although these two cleavages are similar. Socioeconomical cleavage presented here divides rather the “winners” and the “loosers” of economic transformation. Finally, the six Central European parry systems in transformation are examined according to the evolution of their cleavages. It can be seen that in the countries, where the socioeconomical cleavage of transformation has decisive influence (Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia), the party systems are more consolidated. The countries with domination of the nationalistic cleavage of transformation (Croatia, Slovakia) are on the contrary less stable and the party system is more changeable. Poland is somewhat special case, because the two major cleavages of transition are in equilibrium. The Polish party system is less consolidated than for example Slovenian, but certainly far more than for example Slovak.

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Cleavages, rokkan, Lipsek, party systems, postcommunist

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Political scientists regard the goals of the system and the disproportion of votes and mandates as the main criterion to distinguish the electoral systems of majority vote and proportional vote. According to different definitions, the new electoral system, introduced by the new electoral law for the lower chamber can be considered a relative majority system as apposed to a pure proportional system. The new electoral system for the lower chamber must therefore clearly be qualified as a majority system. This is why those provisions of the law 204/2000 on parliamentary elections concerning the electoral system, contradict article 18 paragraph 1 of the constitution, that provides for elections for the lower chamber to be held “according to the principle of proportional vote.” The law 204/2000 on parliamentary elections introduces a principle revision of the electoral law, which would be permissible only through constitutional amendment. The combined electoral law (proportional system for the lower chamber and majority system for the senate) as stated in article 18 of the Constitution, is an important pillar of the constitutional design. Bereft of this distinction, the purpose of a two-chamber-system of Parliament would be undermined. Article 18, which provides for the combined electoral law, must therefore be interpreted strictly. A change of article 18 would also contradict article 9 paragraph 2 of the Constitution which prohibits an amendment of basic elements of the democratic constitutional state. Due to the enormous disproportion of votes and mandats as well as the margin of 20 percent for the coalition of four parties, the new electoral law contradicts article 5, stating that the political system is based on the “free competition of political parties”, and article 6, stating that with their decisions, the majority must take into account the protection of the minority.

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Electoral law, constitution, votes, mandates, majority vote, proportional vote

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This article describes the two most important political parties of the Slovak extreme left - The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) and The Slovak Worker’s Front (ZRS). KSS was recruited from the members of the old communist party that didn’t agree with the party’s transformation into the western type of a social-democratic party. Yet in the elections of 1992, 14,7% voters preferred a newly-formed Party of Democratic Left (SDĽ) and the old ortodox communist stream emerged out of the elections unsuccessful (0,76%). ICSS remained a non-parliamentary political party with approximately 3 % of voters’ support. In 1992, deputy SDĽ Ján Ľupták initiated founding of ZRS. His aim was to defend worker's interests. In 1994, Ľupták transformed the originally civic association into a political party. ZRS with its populistic program took over part of die SDĽ voters and won 13 of 150 mandates in the parliamentary elections (1994). Until 1998, it had been an ally of Mečiar’s Movement for democratic Slovakia (HZDS) in the government coalition. ZRS is nowadays a non-parliamentary party with only 1% of support.

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This is a timely book concerning the processes which have been affecting the determined and imaginative, though so far weak, pursuit for effective economic co-operation between African countries. Economic co-operation is a hugely challenging task. It demands political wisdom and strong conviction, two principles which seem to have faded away from the African political scene. While Daniel C. Bach’s book cannot resolve this, it brings new insight into the complexity of the problem, it’s seemingly detachment from the standard and accepted, but also the forces inside Africa which have taken up their own course of overcoming it. The book’s major asset is that, unlike most literature, it shifts its focus from the official and well-commented aspects of integration to what is becoming increasingly decisive form of inter-African exchange of goods and people but realised away from official statistics, annals, and reports. Indeed, it has taken one step forward to show the world where and how Africa really exists. Personal trade networks keep alive states which otherwise have lost all major features of statehood. Manufactured goods (clothes, jewellery, cars, computers, pharmaceuticals etc.) are imported in exchange for African products which find their way to a demanding market in Europe and elsewhere. Risks, sometimes high, are minimised because the system counts on the “good-will” of state-officials who view it not just as an extra-opportunity of income but also a buffer which helps to keep social tension low. Arbitrary nature of African borders, uneven distribution of its population and huge distance between major cities/trade-centres and the hinterland had all contributed to the spread of this „illegal" circuit of goods undermining a strongly outward-oriented and mutually exclusive regional integration structures. As the authors point out large groups of the population-at times whole states-awe their survival to these semi-clandestine transactions across boundaries. This form of “trans-state” regional integration has become increasingly an obstacle to institution building efforts hammering yet another death-nail on a declining post-colonial state order. Regionalisation processes in Africa are closely linked with changing patterns of globalisation, where Africa is increasingly incorporated on a subordinate basis into the emerging global order. This, together with the weakening (declining, shrinking) of the African state have contributed to current attitudes towards the use of public office for personal enrichment, illicit support for specific international patterns of crime, notably in the drug trade. The book's choice not to take side, but give varying views, on the question of how Africa is adapting to the dialectic of integration & disintegration," and whether it will be able to manage its consequences is insightful. But what is invaluable service is highlighting the importance of the problem and the concern for it inside Africa.

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Bach, regionalization, Africa, integration, disintegration

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Ivana Witzová (2000). Důsledky vstupu České republiky do Evropské unie, Praha: Ústav mezinárodních vztahů, 83 pages.

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Soňa Szomolányi (1999). Kľukatá cesta Slovenska k demokracii, Bratislava: Stimul, 121 pages.

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Kay Lawson, Andrea Römmele, Georgi Karasimeonov (eds.) (1999). Cleavages, Parties and Voters: Studies from Bulharka, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Romania, Westport: Praeger Publishers, 291 pages.

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Tzvetan Todorov (2000). V mezní situaci, Praha: Mladá fronta, 325 pages.

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Vladimír Srb (2000). Stručný průvodce politickou vědou aneb klíč k politické teorii, Praha: Politologický klub.

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Jan Holzer (ed.) (2000). Komunistické strany v postsovětských stranicko-politických soustavách, Brno: Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarkovy univerzity, 156 pages.

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