Archive 3/2001

Abstract

This paper points at situation of dependent territories in whole world. For many people it could be strange but in the contemporary world there is quite a lot of colonies. Why could be this information strange for someone? Today’s colonial empires, especially the greatest colonial empire United States, but not only, tries to hide their position of state which has colonies, because the word “colony” is unacceptable in modern political correctly terminology of politics. That is why these states use such euphemistic terms as “overseas territory”, “external territory”, “department d’outre-mer”, “Commonwealth”, anything, but never “colony”. We can see colonies absolutely subordinated to their mather countries, and colonies with so extensive autonomy almost equal to independent states. The note of twentieth century was decolonization (we remember for example a term “the Year of Africa”). How it looks today? Surprisingly not all today’s nations under the colonial rule wants to liberate themselves. It seems that colonialism is not only a historical matter but a very present aspect of modern politics and it’s end is unseen.

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kolonie, závislá území, colonies, dependent terriotories

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The paper discusses the issues of identity, role and positioning of Christian democratic and Christian nationalist parties within the post- communist party arrangements in Central Eastern Europe in the 1990s. It proposes a classification of Christian democratic and Christian nationalist parties in the post-communist context. Authentic Christian democratic and Christian nationalist parties could be represented by continuing “old” parties, by renewed “old” parties or by new parties with a genuine Christian democratic and/or Christian nationalist identity. In the same way, renewed “old” parties and new parties could be distinguished in the case of “compounded” parties-alliances with an over-arching Christian democratic and/or Christian nationalist identity.

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Křesťanská demokracie, Christian democracy, nationalist parties, nacionální strany, postkomunistický pluralismus, post-communist pluralisms

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The article examines general election results of June 2001. There are two main messages. Labour party was returned to power with another huge majority – the largest ever granted a second-term. The other message was that this tidal wave of seats was delivered by only 25 percent of all those eligible to vote. It was because turnout plummeted from 71 to 59 percent. Britain had never experienced a turnout below 70 percent except in the totally abnormal circumstances of the Khaki election of 1918. The article focuses also on the regional results. In Scotland as well as in Wales the results are almost the same as in the previous election in 1997. This means that Labour party cemented its position as a dominant party, while nationally oriented parties did not make any breakthrough. On the contrary the results in the Northern Ireland show that voters are clearly turning to extremes.

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United Kingdom, Spojené království, Election, volby, Wales, Scotland

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The paper describes and analyzes briefly the genesis of three Italian terrorist groups of the 1970s, called the First Line (PL), the Proletarian Armed Nuclei (NAP) and the Revolutionary Action (AR). It shows that individual dynamics of emerging of clandestine terrorist groups could and should be explained within a theoretically informed framework. Such a framework is needed in order to assess properly the impact of changes in the structure of opportunities, configuration of predispositions and incentives for various radical anti-regime actors. The papers discuss the views of scholars Sidney Tarrow and Domenica Della Porta. Two arguments seem to be of special importance in this context: the first argument points to the growing competivity among non-institutionalized radical groups as a factor contributing strongly to amounting experiments with armed subversive violence: the second focuses on the critical choices represented by creation of clandestine structures specialized in armed violence. The paper examines the auto destructive consequences of fusion of political and military aspects of an anti-regime struggle followed (in the case of clandestine armed groupings) with a subordination of the former aspects to the latter. Finally, it argues that stigmatization of radical anti-regime groups as terrorist in spe should be avoided. Instead of that, an effective system of sanctions and incentives reducing the probability of critical choices made by radical actors has to be introduced and cultivated.

Key words

terrorist groups, teroristické skupiny, Italy, Itálie, protest, First Line, Proletarian Armed Nuclei, Revolutionary Action

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Billi, F. (2001): Gli Anni Della Rivolta, 1960 - 1980: Prima, Durante e Dopo Il '68, Milano: Edizioni Punto Rosso, 208 pages.

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Dančák, B., Mareš, M., Benda, L., Kopeček, L., Urubek, T. (2000): Zahraniční politika politických stran v České republice, Maďarsku, Polsku a na Slovensku, Brno: Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzity, 120 pages.

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Wellerschoff, D. (1999): Mit Sicherheit. Neue Sicherheitspolitik zwischen Gestern und Morgen, Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 315 pages.

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Mrklas, L. (2001): Krajské volby 2000 - fakta, názory, komentáře, Praha: CEVRO, 164 pages.

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Klíma, M. (2001): Kvalita demokracie a volební inženýrství, Praha: Radix, 179 pages.

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