Archive 1/2002

Abstract

The terrorist attacks on the USA should inevitably have cast their reflections upon such an exposed region of the world as the Middle East, more specifically, upon the events in Israel and in the Palestinian Territories. In view of the fact that from the viewpoint of the political science and the related disciplines this region is more than interesting, the present writers wish to comprehend and to comment these events on the professional level in connection with the attacks of September 11. To make the presentation more integrated, a commentary on actual state of affairs in the region is added, including description of some basic phenomena, which are necessary for understanding the present situation (e.g., a brief consideration of the peace process). The article is subdivided as follows: • the situation in the region in the course of the terrorist attacks on the U.S.A. and the imme¬diate reaction • the characteristic features of Ariel Sharon's government • the Palestinian extremism • the Israeli extremism and the phenomenon of settlements • the role of the U.S.A. in the recent Middle East events Further aim of this paper is to draw attention to the measures of knowledge of the event in the mentioned region; considerable amount of news and commentaries about the Middle East appear in the Czech media, but very often in disregard of the relevant facts and circumstances, or, unfortunately, being written without author's first-hand experience of the local conditions. But for a few exceptions, there appear mostly compilations of different agency and newspaper reports in the Czech media, and propaganda articles as well. Some unnamed Czech writers are almost unfailingly tendentious, so that it is quite possible to forecast their position even before reading their articles. Last but not least the authors have been stimulated to write this paper by conspicuous absence of authentic and reliable books and articles about the Middle East problems in this country. In the end the present writers try to prognosticate in some way the possible variants of the future development in the region in question. At the same time they are aware that any forecast or delimitation of any time horizons is very difficult here, if possible at all.

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Israel, Palestinian Territories, 9/11, Czech media.

Abstract

This article analyses „Third Road” ideology. The discussion about Third Road ideology can be divided into three main streams: Whether it is the Third Road, i.e. something radically new among ideologies, or whether this is only traditional social democracy adjusted to a new environment and answering the challenge of the New Right from the 1980s, or whether this is in fact social liberalism. The analysis of the Third Road ideology is important for theory, practice and teaching at the universities. In addition, it is important for Slovakia's leftwing which is in deep crisis of values. Firstly, the article defines the term ideology and the concept of socialism, based on comparison of four political theorists’ definitions. In this part the author argues that what in fact is the core of socialism is a socially just society. This approach helps as to the definition of what still is and what is no longer socialism. Secondly, the author identifies various historical and contemporary cases of non-social-democratic Third Roads, such as fascism, nazism, the populism of Juan Domingo Peron in Argentina and Andreas Papandreou in Greece, as well as „Third World Theory” of Muammar Al-Kaddafi in Libya. The author argues that the concept of the Third Road, as it is discussed at present, has very little if anything common with historical cases of the Third Road. Thirdly, the author compares the social-democratic Third Road with Old Left and New Right. He argues that contemporary Third Road is the response of the Left to successful challenge of the New Right in the 1980s. Detailed broader causes of the origin of new Third Road as well as theoretical concept of social democratic Third Road are analysed in the next part. This is followed with alternative approaches and views of the analyses and policies of the Third Road. It is clear that there is neither a unified theory of the Third Road, nor universal policies of the Third Road. The common element, implicitly, seems to be the concept of a socially just society and need for change. There are significant differences in understanding as to how to achieve a socially just society. The Third Road ideology is thus a significant change in the over one-hundred-year old ideology of social democracy. The new ideology is different both from the point of view of solutions offered as well as from the point of view of explanations used for proposed policies. The main shift is from ethical arguments to sociological arguments. Nevertheless, the Third Road is not the ideology of the third road senso stricto, i.e. as median between capitalism and socialism, but it is the significantly modernised ideology and policy of some social democratic parties in Western Europe. Therefore, in this sense, labeling it as the Third Road is misleading. Yet, although there are both different ideologies of the modern Third Road, as well as different policies, we can still argue that there is a new ideology present. There are, of course, some old and new problems and challenges. The key to the successful policy of the Third Road is then to find an ideal combination of market, state and society. This ideal policy should be able to correct the failures and mistakes of the market and state. Simultaneously, this policy aims at strengthening civil society. To conclude, the Third Road does exist both in theory and practice. The name „Third Road” is misleading, and different Third Road ideologies and policies exist. What there is still in common, is an attempt to create and preserve socially just society. Therefore, it is a significantly changed and modern but, still in its roots, a primarily socialist ideology.

Key words

Third road, ideology, social democracy.

Abstract

The article deals with the position of the Austrian parties of civic right. Both People’s Party (ÖVP) and Freedom Party (FPÖ) are categorized to this family of parties. Many politicians and scholars presume that Freedom Party is a populist formation of extreme right, but the whole tradition of Austrian „third camp” is characterized by both liberal and nationalist programmatic and rhetoric points and these points are undivisible. The Freedom Party of Austria belong to the civic right parties from this point of view. According Sartori’s later typology of antisystem parties could be FPÖ marked as an extreme party, but in this special case it doesn't mean that this party is undemocratic or even antidemocratic. The article continues with the analysis of characteristic features of Austrian party system and patterns of party competition after the 1945 and concludes that the logic was changed from the bipartism to the moderate pluralism after the elections in 1986. The core of the article deals with the question of adaptation of People’s and Freedom Parties to the new conditions. Author illustrates the advantages of Freedom Party in the Haider’s era as an opposition formation. Its political campaign was directed against the residua of so called Proporz democracy, against corporative intermediation of interests and also against the organization and political style of „Old Parties” (People's Party and Social Democrats). The Freedom Party was the „motor” of transformation of Austrian party system, but the People’s Party was the most disadvantaged formation by this transformation. The People’s Party has to face the deep decline of traditional camp milieu, it has very strong problems with the rigid party organization and lack of coherent and clear programmatic vision. The new coalition after the elections in 1999 made of the People’s and Freedom Parties is a brand new pattern of government in Austria. This government opens the possibility to fundamental reforms of Austrian political and economic system. But the mutual relations of both coalition partners couldn’t be characterized as friendly. The Temelín crisis and the deep feud between FPÖ and ÖVP was only the most visible example. Nevertheless, Schüssel’s coalition brings another important change into the contemporary Austrian party system. This change confirms again that the party system and party competition patterns of late Proporz are now nothing more but Zeitgeschichte.

Key words

Civic Right, Austria, Proporz, FPO, OVP

Abstract

The paper introduces the reader to the most important theoretical approaches to European integration and critically discusses them in turn. The underlying goal of the text is to alert the reader to the fact that any understanding of the EU invariably relies on theoretical assumptions and thus all disciplinary debates are theory-driven. The first section of the article deals with the early debate between neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. The second section turns to one of the most important recent rationalist approaches to the EU - liberal intergovernmentalism. The third section presents a critique of state-centered approaches as developed by the multi¬level governance approach. The fourth section turns to new institutionalism and policy-networks analysis. The fifth section discusses the contemporary sociological turn in the field of international relations and European studies. The paper concludes with two sections discussing the main current theoretical controversy within European studies - the debate between rationalism and constructivism. The paper also speculates about the future direction of European studies.

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European Studies, Theories of international relations, neofunctionalism, intergovernmentalism.

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A paper is trying to put problems of microstates and dependent territories to the broader context of a contemporary international politics. A process of decolonization does not mean only a creation of new sovereign nation, but includes also other possibilities as a political integration with a former colonial power. Today's dependent territories are more results of a nonsuccesful process of decolonization than a relic of imperial policies of European states. Main problems of a today’s decolonization are international disputes over sovereignty of these territories (Falklands, Gibraltar, West Sahara). That is why we have to study a politics of dependent territories always in a context of study of other territories with disputed sovereignty as territories under military occupation, territories of inter-mediate status, quasi-states or territories of uncertain status or international territoties.

Key words

Microstates, dependent territories, decolonization.

Abstract

K. von Beyme (1999): Die Parlamentarische Demokratie. Entstehung und Funktionsweise 1789-1999, Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 557 pages.

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Miroslav Novák (2001): Jakou demokracii pro nové demokracie? Konsensuální model, efektivita a kulturně homogenní země, Brno: Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzity, 86 pages,

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Ladislava Kremličková (Ed.) (2001): Securitas Imperii, Praha: Themis, 358 stran.

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Petr Fiala a Miroslav Mareš (2001): Evropské politické strany, Brno: Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzity, 155 pages.

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Jiří Šedivý (2001): Dilema rozšiřování NATO, Praha: Ústav mezinárodních vztahů, 152 stran.

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Guy Benhamou (2000): Pour solde de tout compte, Paris: Denoel, 250 pages.

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Informations about two conferences.

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