Archive 2/2002

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The article presents description of problems and difficulties that are related to the study of Russian political parties, and offers a characterization of the traditions of Russian party politics. The text is not structured so as to suggest a new theory; rather, it intends to define basic (temporal, space, and content) characteristics of Russian political parties and to outline troubles that are to be met in the study of Russian partisanship as a specific topic within social sciences. Paragraphs on the genesis of Russian partisanship can serve as a sample of a possible elaboration of a particular part of the topic, thus opening space for common system analysis and classification of political parties. In terms of methodology, it is necessary to choose between (1) constructing new theories and such an approach towards Russian reality that sees it as a unique and incomparable phenomenon, and (2) confronting political science theories (particularly in the field of -transitology) with data given by the practices of Russian politics and, consequently, applying the data to the broader post-Soviet reality. The author opts for the latter possibility.

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Russian partisanship, party politics, Russia.

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The author deals with security policy of social democratic party in Germany in the years 1998-2002. This article attempts to test a hypothesis about the inclination of traditional political parties to realistic school of security on the example of SPD. This hypothesis have been disproofed, because the research has shown that Germany social democratic party has inclined to the wide school of security and not to realistic school of security. In the next research it will be necessacy to modify this hypothesis to be able to explain the acquired facts about inclination of SPD to the wide school of security. In connection with testing the hypothesis about inclination of traditional political parties to realistic school of security this article shoves the main outlines of German social democratic security policy and analyzes the main differences between the its security policy and security policy of United States, which is very important for prediction of developing of security situation in Europe. Results of research have shown that Germany security policy of the government of red-green coalition has continued in the main outlines of security policy of last government (CDU/CSU and FDP), of course with small differences. The red-green coalition has put its emphasis on crises prevention, civil crises management, respect for human rights in the world reinforcement of international security organizations (UN and EU), continuation of the transatlantic security link, control of armament, cooperation with Russia and reform of armed forces.

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Security policy, social Democratic party, germany, red-green government, SPD.

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After the end of the Cold War threats USA are facing changed significantly. In the contemporary international system the greatest challenge is posed by “rogue states“. The threat of attack with the use of weapons of mass destruction is even higher than was during the Cold War Era, because also non-state actors could employ such weapons. The threat of Soviet ballistic missles was to be eliminated or limited by a defensive antiballistic system components and usable technologies of which were under research end development since 1983 when Strategic Defense Iniciative (SDI) was announced by the U. S. president Ronald Reagan. Contemporary National Missile Defense system is seen as a shield which should prevent the American homeland primarily from the attack by warheads carrying WMD. Planned system will not be capable of eliminating all Russian strategic missiles. Because Russia is not considered a great threat for the USA anymore it is not even its purpose. The main role for the U. S. diplomacy should be to try to persuade Russians often obsessed with threats that does not exists, that NMD will not endanger them neither the strategic stability.

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Antiballistic systéme, strategic stability, NMD, SDI, nuclear weapons.

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The aim of present article is to introduce the German municipal election systems, including a sort summary of a liberal - still proceeding - discussion about their more or less fundamental reforms. In this article you can also find the overall communal election results of the particular federative countries. Researching German communal electoral systems brings contribution to removing some of the preconceptions and ignorance/unknowing connected with the discussion about a possible reform of the way of communal elections in the Czech Republic.

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Communal election, germany, representation democracy, municipal election.

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The present text describes process of creating of public administration reform and the first regional elections in the Slovak republic. The protracted and dramatic process of creating of public administration reform in Slovakia reflected antagonism, differing interests and approaches of government coalition members and-thus revealed heterogeneous character of the government coalition and increasing distance between some of the coalition political parties. The approved form of the reform was considerably influenced especially by the major opposition political party HZDS. The implementation of public administration reform shall be gradual and longer-termed (2002-2004). The first Slovak regional elections, feature was a very low turnout (26 %; 22,6 %). The strongest portion of representatives in the regional assemblies was won by the opposition party HZDS. The Hungarian minority party SMK/MKP was also very successful, although it did not prove to have capacity to win the 2. round of the regional chairman elections. On the other hand, prime minister's SDKU failed. The character of election coalitions and support declarations seem to indicate certain re-configuration of political forces in Slovakia.

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Slovak, regional elections, public administration reform.

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Michal Kubát (Ed.) (2001): Východní rozšíření Evropské unie. Východiska – stav – perspektivy, Brno-Praha: Fakulta sociálních věd Univerzity Karlovy, Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzity, Občanské sdružení Europeum, 224 pages.

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Emmanuel Bernabeu-Casanova (1997): Le Nationalisme Corse... Genese, Succes et Eches, Paris: L'Hartman, 268 pages.

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Ronald Dworkin (2001): Když se práva berou vážně, Praha: Oikoymenh, 455 pages.

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Sandro Setta (2001): La Destra nell´Italia del dopoguerra, BarI: Laterza, 246 pages.

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Ewa Bem (Ed.) (2001): Studia i Prace, seszyt 1, Warszawa: Szkola Glówna Handlowa, 201 pages.

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