Archive 1/2003

Abstract

Complicated situation in the field of Israeli-Palestinian conflict gave no occasion for improvement of the situation. The terror attacks of the members of Palestinian militant group (Hamas, Islamic Jihad) as well as very hard Israeli military revenges kept on all the year round. The peace process is out of the question at the moment. It has been almost buried and relations between the State of Israel and the Palestinian autonomy authorities are nearly frozen now. The economic situation in Israel and the Palestinian territories is serious, too. Tension in this region deepens the probability of war against Iraq. Generally speaking, last year's political development in Israel led to the advanced general election. The Palestinian autonomy also planned to organise general election in its territory, but they didn't take place. Israeli Labour party left National Unity Government, led by Ariel Sharon, last autumn. The prime minister called an advanced election then. The Labour party elected its new leader - Amram Mitzna. He pledged to withdraw from the Gaza Strip within one year, to hold negotiations with the Palestinians immediately and without any preconditions, and to complete the Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank, if the negotiations fail. On the other hand the Likud party, led by Sharon, offer to its voters nothing in particular. Although the Likud won a great victory in the advanced general election and gained 37 seats in the Knesset (the Israeli parliament), compared with the Labour party, which received 19 seats only. It was also the greatest defeat of the Labour party in history of the State of Israel. These results suggest that Israeli society turned more towards the right-nationalist tendencies. This is neither a good message for the "rebirth" of the peace process nor for reaching the compromise in the Middle East.

Key words

Israel, Palestinian territories, general election.

Abstract

This text describes and compares electoral preferences surveys series, which was taking place before June parliamentary elections 2002 in the Czech republic. Analysed electoral preferences were surveyed by three major Czech agencies conducting routinely public opinion surveys and publishing electoral preferences. The academic CVVM (Centre of Public Opinion Research) results were the best. CVVM predicted electoral outcome very accurately. Two private companies STEM (Centre of Empirical Research) and TNSF (Taylor Nelson Solres-Factum) were caring out surveys more frequently, but accuracy and quality of their results were worse. These private companies also were caring out surveys in every region. Quality and accuracy of regional surveys were different, but the most of them failed.

Key words

electoral preferences, election, House of Deputy.

Abstract

The break-up of Czechoslovakia was contraty to the wishes of the population. In opinion polls both Czechs and Slovaks spoke against dividing the Czechoslovak Federation. The issue was not submitted to a referendum. The country's split can be seen primarly as a consequence of different political cultures of Czechs and Slovaks, problems of statehood persisting since the Czechoslovak state was founded in 1918, an adaptation crisis in the process of transition to democracy and a market economy, resurgence of nationalism following the fall of communism, as well as other interdependent factors. The split in 1992 was driven by specific personal interests of the protagonists of the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), who sought major highly rewarding positions in the leadership of the country and a share in the privatisation of Slovak state property.

Key words

Discussion.

Abstract

This article introduces the recent debate on the theory of transnational democracy. The theory of democracy has developed within the confines of national states. However, as a corollary to the processes of globalisation the "natural" anchor of democracy in the nation state has been shaken. The theory of transnational democracy has developed as a response to the perceived need to rethink democracy in order to make it applicable outside the nation state. The article describes the development of the theory of transnational democracy and points out four distinctive positions that took shape within this field during the 1990's. The overview is followed by a review of the critical voices that attacked the idea of transnational democracy on several grounds. The paper discusses in turn the problems of both the supporters and the critics of transnational democracy. A debate on the possibilities of the democratization of the EU follows. The article concludes by the critical assessment of the future of transnational democracy in the world after 11th September 2001. The article claims that the future of "global democracy" looks rather bleak; however, there still remains some room for less ambitious "democracy projects" in the existing international organizations.

Key words

transnational democracy, cosmopolitan democracy, radical democratic pluralism, liberal internationalism, deliberative democracy, normative realism, politics in vernacular, EU-democracy, unilateralism, multilateralism.

Abstract

This article discusses a question of the success of the "historical" Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) in the 90s. The party was re-estabilished in November 1989. In the era of the first chairman Jiří Horák (1990 - 1993) it was one of the small formations in the Czech party system. Its political rise was connected with a change of the leader. The new chairman Miloš Zeman formed the ČSSD as the crucial left-wing alternative of the right-wing Civic Democratic Party (ODS). The other factor important for the success of the ČSSD was a failure of the reform effort inside the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). Unlike Polish or Hungarian post-communist, the KSČM has never changed main features of its (neo)communist profile. That is why the ČSSD filled up the largest part of the left political space (from 1996 so far).

Key words

Social Democratic Party, Successor parties, Zeman.

Abstract

The article deals with the Polish local elections 2002. These elections were interesting and important because of two circumstances. First of all, the mayors of towns and cities were elected for the first time in direct elections. Secondly, Polish politicans again chynged the electoral system. Local elections 2002 did not bring any changes of Polish party system formed by the parliamentary elections 2001. The Alaince of Democratic Left is more weak, but it is still the largest political party in Poland.The prosystem right is not falling, but it is all the time divided into many parties and that is why it can not for the time being endanger the left.The position of the rural Polish People Party has not changed. The rising of the extreme parties is still going on. The Union of Freedom, former governing party, was defeated in parliamentary elections 2001 and again in local elections 2002 and it's future is considerable uncertain.

Key words

Poland, municipal politics, local elections, electoral system, direct elections of mayors, Polish political parties.

Abstract

Ramón Zallo. 2001. El país de los vascos, Madrid: Editorial Fundamentos/ Alberdania, 262 pages.

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Abstract

Mesežnikov, G. (Ed.). 2002. Voľby 2002. Analýza volebných programov politických strán a hnutí, Bratislava: Inštitút pre verejné otázky, 135 pages.

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Abstract

Inka Slodkovska. 2001. Wybory 2001, Warzsawa: Institut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk (ISP PAN), 250 pages.

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Abstract

Ladislav Cabada, Michal Kubát a kol 2002. Úvod do studia politické vědy, Praha: Eurolex Bohemia, 445 pages.

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Abstract

Dne 13. listopadu 2002 se v Praze v prostorách Senátu Parlamentu ČR uskutečnila konference "Deset let Ústavy České republiky: východiska, stav, perspektivy".

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