Archive 4/2004

Abstract

This article deals with the complicated and multifaceted topic of Polish politics between the two world wars. This time period was characterized not only by a “classical” political instability but, much more importantly, also by the instability of the whole political system. The democratic regime created in 1919 was weak and was abolished by force in 1926. The subsequent political system was authoritarian (but not totalitarian) and survived until the end of the Polish state in October 1939, when Poland was attacked and occupied by the German and Soviet armies. The questions posed by the article are manifold. Why did Poland introduce democracy in the hardship years of 1918–1919, but did so for only a few years? Why was not democracy successful? Why did Poland accept authoritarianism and what were the political and constitutional consequences of that step?

Key words

Poland, democracy and authoritarianism, constitution, Józef Piłsudski

Abstract

This paper introduces an alternative concept of corruption. The cornerstone of the analysis is the model of secret transactions for profit, in which the actors give priority to informal particular norms over universal norms of democracy. Further, a model of corruption as a process is constructed. This model is applied to the social conditions as they have developed in the Czech Republic after 1989. Corruption seems to be a stable part of the social organization of the Czech society. It closely relates to the influence of pre-1989 networks, clientelism and nepotism. The combination of a weak official system (that should assert universal norms) and strong unofficial systems of community interests (that encourage corruption) builds a strong corruptogenic setting in the macrostructure. On the micro-level this outcome is fostered by the weak loyalty of nationals to the state and their tendency to distrust and resist the authorities.

Key words

corruption, democracy, norm, transformation, clientelism, nepotism, social transaction, Czech society

Abstract

This article deals with the relations between two different cultures existing within one state: the dominant culture is continental France and the peripheral one is the insular society of Corsica. This article reviews the historical background of the problem in France and subsequently analyzes the response of the administrative center to the Corsican independence struggle. Regarding the cultural, historical and political differences, the distinct experiences of these two cultures, the collective identity of the Corsican community and the institutionalization of its ethnic-regional representatives, the situation can be described as a center-periphery cleavage. The Corsican society – asking for autonomy within the state or even for separation – faces the domination of the administrative center. This independence struggle originates within the community, which is the reason why the dominant culture has several times modified its strategy for dealing with the demands and violence of Corsican patriots. The analysis illustrates the power and the limits of the independence struggle of this small island that is still economically dependent on France.

Key words

identity polarization, center-periphery cleavage, France, Corsica, political violence

Abstract

The article analyzes the reasons for two key defeats of the ODS (Civic Democratic Party) in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 1998 and 2002. It is proved that the ODS was not a modern right-wing political party at least up to the 2002 election year. For this reason it did not efficiently cover the wide center-right segment of the political spectrum. Public opinion surveys demonstrated that there was a long-term right-wing orientation and a strong center in the Czech Republic. Nevertheless, the ODS did not respond to the demands of the center- right segment by a corresponding offer. The modernization of the ODS presupposes an overall change of its strategy, which would include not only a conception of people’s capitalism but also a whole complex of changes: a more amicable approach to the European Union, to ecological problems, and to social issues. In addition, the party should take a firm stance against non-transparent clientelism and corruption and strengthen pluralism inside the party.

Key words

Czech Republic, political parties, Civic Democratic Party

Abstract

The article deals with the French regional elections in 2004. These elections were interesting for three reasons. Firstly, the majority of regions moved to the left. Secondly, a new mixed system of elections was used. Thirdly, the newly reformed Gaullist party lost its majority in regional councils. The article analyzes the results in each region and explains the patterns of cooperation among political parties. The article also reflects on the results in the departements overseas.

Key words

France, elections, political parties

Abstract

This article intends to present a thorough analysis of the development of the Civic Democratic Party from the beginnings of its existence until 1998 – i.e. the year which can be seen as the breaking point in its history. The main proposition is that the Civic Democratic Party has emerged as the representative of the most widespread tendencies and opinions established within Civic Forum and accordingly should be seen as the major expression of initial political visions, which were increasingly predominant in the first months after the regime change in 1989. Consequently, the article elaborates to a much detailed degree further developments within the Civic Democratic Party and its position within the party system – here, the underlying intention is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the behaviour and actions taken by the Civic Democratic Party and its leadership, thus making it possible to explain the logic of its position within the party system and of many particular events, in various ways related to the Civic Democratic Party, throughout the period in question.

Key words

Civic Democratic Party, Czech party system, political right

Abstract

Americans were neither victims nor perpetrators of the Holocaust. Why, then, does this horrific event occupy such a prominent place in their public life and political discourse? With the help of the works by American Jewish historians Norman Finkelstein and Peter Novick, this review article offers a tentative solution to this puzzle. Finkelstein stresses that the Holocaust has been used by the American Jewish elites and organizations for their financial, political and symbolic benefits. Novick does not deny the role of elites and of their instrumental motives but claims that sincere and profitless activities of innumerable „private“ Jews and of their informal networks have played no lesser role. According to Novick, four factors contributed to the elevating of the Holocaust to the public pedestal: (1) the transformation of the general atmosphere in the American society from the “integrationism” of the 1950s and 1960s to the “differentialism” of the 1970s and 1980s, (2) the ensuing competition of ethnic and racial groups for the status of the most historically aggrieved minority which motivated Jews to use the Holocaust as a trump against the claims of other groups, (3) the crisis of Jewish identity (brought about by waning religious practices) which made it possible for the Holocaust to function as an Ersatzidentity for Judaism, and, finally, (4) the overrepresentation of the Jews in the media, cultural institutions and entertainment industry which confers upon them a privileged role in the creation and reproduction of hegemonic discourses and images of the larger society. In addition, the reference to the Holocaust has proved useful in justifying tough policies of Israeli governments vis-à-vis the Palestinians and in gaining support for those policies with the American public and government.

Key words

holocaust, anti-Semitism, USA, Israel-Palestine Conflict

Abstract

Ladislav Cabada, Marek Ženíšek. 2003. Smíšené volební systémy, Dobrá Voda u Pelhřimova: Vydavatelství a nakladatelství Aleš Čeněk, 156 pages.

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Zygmunt Bauman. 2003. Modernita a holocaust, Praha: SLON, 330 pages.

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Bradley F. Abrams. 2004. The Struggle for the Soul of the Nation, Czech Culture and the Rise of Communism, Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publisher, Inc., 363 pages.

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Jakub Hudák, Petr Jüptner, Jiří Svoboda (eds.). 2003. Komunální politické systémy, Praha: Filozofická fakulta Univerzity Karlovy v Praze, 192 pages.

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