Archive 2/2006

Abstract

The article tries to evaluate the Europeanization research agenda from the point of view of a politics-sphere A basic precondition for understanding the character of the political systems in East-European countries after the Second World War is to define the key concepts, especially different types of non-democratic regimes. In other words, we must know what “totalitarianism”, and “authoritarianism” means, and how we should approach studying these species. According to empirical and analytical methods, we consider them both as ways of governing, as types of political systems and not something else (e.g. ideology, a way of thinking, etc.). Eastern Europe after 1944, with some exceptions, was not totalitarian and is better described as quasi-totalitarian or authoritarian. However by the term “quasi-totalitarianism” we do not mean a subtype of “post-totalitarianism” (as Juan J. Linz does), but as a separate category of non-democratic regime. Of course it is necessary to take into account the differences existing among particular countries as well as differences “inside” these countries, meaning their unique historical development. This is evident in the case study portion of this article which describes the political system of Poland 1944–1989.

Key words

totalitarianism, authoritarian regimes, postwar Eastern Europe, Poland

Abstract

This article analyses the evolutionary process of the Romanian party system during the years 1989–2004. The Romanian party system went through rapid development after the overthrow of the Ceauşescu regime, a process that has not yet ended (this opinion relates mainly to center and right parties). The developmental periods of the party system are divided on the basis of parliamentary elections, since these elections and their results always represent a new situation in the party scene. The main part of the article describes the development and political program individual party subject Romanian party system. The classical division into left, center and right parties is applied to the location of political parties with respect to disputability in the Romanian political context. Besides the classical political parties, it is also possible to identify relatively strong ethnic parties and special party families. In the present state (after the 2004 election) it is possible to characterize the situation as conflict between two main poles – centrist (“Truth and Justice”) and post-communist (Social Democratic Party). Christian National Peasant Party Christian Democratic; socialist Socialist Workers Party; ethnic Hungarian Democratic Federation of Romanian, and radical continuity parties (mainly Great Romania Party) can all be defined as secondary poles. Extreme right parties are minor and insignificant. The Communist party family has no relevant representative.

Key words

Romania, party system, party typology, parliamentary election

Abstract

The paper searches for the essentials of the American neoconservative movement. The article focuses on the beginnings of the first generation, the “godfathers” of the movement, and especially the personality and life of Irving Kristol. First the article analyses the pre-neoconservative situation in United States. The roots of the movement are found in the liberal environment and its break-up in the reality of the turbulent Sixties. The development of the neoconservative movement through various concepts of domestic and foreign policy is described in the context of conservative-liberal struggle in the USA, while the position of neoconservatives is compared to these orientations. The long evolution of opinions and orientations of Irving Kristol is interpreted as a typical feature of the whole movement, and his life serves as the guide for the concept of the paper. The article presents the main eight fundamentals of the neoconservative movement formulated by Irving Kristol, and the study is concluded with a short section focused on the foreign policy opinions of the movement during the Reagan administration.

Key words

neoconservative movement, Irving Kristol, American conservatism and liberalism, capitalism, American foreign policy

Abstract

The level of political participation of American citizens is commonly considered to be high. However, voter turnout is in fact relatively low, even in highly attractive presidential elections. The article focuses on this phenomenon and the particular factors that, according to the literature, affect turnout negatively. The first part describes various methods being used to measure voter turnout in the USA. The difference can even be several percentage points, depending on the method of calculation. With regard to these distinctions, American data cannot be directly compared with voter turnout statistics in European countries that use a different methodology. The main part of the article analyses several factors that are generally considered to influence voter turnout in the USA negatively, and counts their real impact. One important factor is that voter registration methods can lower the turnout by up to 11 per cent. Also significant is the lowering of the voting-age limit in 1971. Neither gradual changes in population age structure nor enactment of election-day holidays have proven to negatively influence turnout. The principal findings reveal a permanent increase of inhabitants without voting rights (esp. non-citizens). These persons are included in voting-age population figures, and due to inexact methodology, cause a merely statistical decrease at the level of at least 3 per cent of voter turnout.

Key words

United States of America, president, elections, voter turnout, voter registration

Abstract

The article compares the formal institutionalization of socio-economic (industrial) relations in Poland and the Czech Republic in the period following their regime changes in 1989. Thus it investigates the validity of the transformation theory assumption, that the way of regime failure (type of transition) influences the forthcoming political processes. It is demonstrated that both countries arrived at the constitution of a tripartite structure, but through different paths. It is argued that the most important factor that shaped the development of institutionalized socio-economic relations in Poland and the Czech Republic is the path-dependent way of regime failure, which determined the position (form, capacities, as well as relative importance) of the relevant actors (the trade unions, the employers’ organizations, and the state).

Key words

socio-economic relations, industrial relations, tripartite structure, transition, Poland, Czech Republic, trade unions

Abstract

This discussion section presents two commentaries of Wallerstein’s Neomarxist theory. The first one points out the epistemological problems of Wallerstein’s conception and argues that his objectivist epistemology leads him to a revolutionary view of politics. Contrary to Wallerstein, the commentary adopts a more skeptical perspective on the ability of social science to grasp the essence of the “world-out-there”, and relates it to a realist liberal conception of social change. The second commentary criticizes Wallerstein’s belief that we can find a unity in moral judgment, scientific knowledge, and political action. The paper argues that in a certain sense Wallerstein ́s utopistics is another meta-utopia. In order to understand utopistics, we have to understand the context of other meta-utopias. Thus the paper explores the meta-utopias of Engels, Wilde, Masaryk, Sorel, Kropotkin, Lenin, Berneri, and Kalivoda. Like in the case of Karl Marx, in Wallerstein’s case we need to differentiate between the utopian-normative basis of his position and his scientific contribution (both of them are contributive but we should avoid connecting them in an artificial way). We need an open scientific discussion as well as a free discussion and sharing of utopian visions (which are the basis of our political opinions) and not their artificial rationalizations.

Key words

epistemology, Neomarxism, utopia, radical political theory, anarchism, Marxism, Wallerstein, utopistics

Abstract

O významu poznání a smyslu utopie pro radikálně emancipační politické myšlení*

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Abstract

Zdeněk Kühn. 2005. Aplikace práva soudcem v éře středoevropského komunismu a transformace. Analýza příčin postkomunistické právní krize, Praha: C. H. Beck, 201 pages.

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Abstract

Eva Bradové. 2005. Od lokálních mítinků k politickému marketingu: Teorie a vývoj politické komunikace a volebních kampaní, Brno: IIPS, 106 pages.

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Abstract

Hrubec, M. (ed.). 2005. Spravedlnost a demokracie v evropské integraci, FILOSOFIA, 17. svazek řady Filosofie a sociální vědy, Praha, 243 pages.

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