Archive 3/2006

Abstract

This analysis deals with innovative political practices that are claimed to have occurred during the materialisation of the human security agenda. Specifically, the article examines the platform known as the Human Security Network (HSN) from a perspective focusing on the relationship between governments of selected HSN members on the one hand, and nongovernmental actors on the other. After distinguishing the governmentality approach (which serves as the theoretical backbone of this piece) from a rather problematic global governance approach, the text focuses attention on the notion of power – its nature and various figurations. The subsequent section introduces the HSN as a new type of transnational political community, tackles the politics of collective identity formation, and finally situates the platform within a wider context of security organizations. What follows is an empirical analysis of selected members of the HSN divided into three clusters, resting on the clarity of their governmental rationality and collective identity.

Key words

Human Security Network, governmentality, global governance, soft power, transnational political community, non-governmental actors, middle power

Abstract

The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being “the nation privileged by God.” This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850’s. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70’s, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP’s leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn’t exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing.

Key words

South Africa, Afrikaners, nationalism, right wing, Conservative Party, Freedom Front

Abstract

The article deals with the concept of the advantage of “backwardness” and its use in comparative research on European parties and party systems. Politics in the “post-Rokkanian” world, characterized by de-aligning patterns of interest representation and intermediation, raises new questions and challenges in the field of research on political parties, pressure groups, and social movements. The text poses questions that should be asked in regard to this “post-Rokkanian” transformation of political processes connected to the opening of new research perspectives on multilevel party competition in European countries. The article elaborates the concept of the advantage of backwardness at three main levels: the organizational patterns of internal life within political parties, party systems, and interest intermediation systems generally. The article also tries to put the whole concept of the advantage of backwardness into the proper geopolitical and historical area in the framework of European countries.

Key words

Advantage of Backwardness; Comparative Politics; Political Parties; Organized Interests; “Post-Rokkanian” Politics

Abstract

This article tries to analyze the evolution of the Norwegian political and party systems which are considered to be exponents of the so-called Nordic model of political system. Besides describing attributes and trends of the political and party systems in Norway, the author deals with the election to the Stortinget held in September 2005. This electoral contest has brought new elements into the Norwegian political system, e. g. a new form of government composition and possibly new patterns of party competition (restructuring competing party-blocs, reinforcing cooperation between left-wing political parties).

Key words

Norway, elections, Norwegian Labour Party, moderate pluralism, polarized pluralism

Abstract

The first part of the text describes the development of contacts between various pacifist and green initiatives in Western Europe on one side, and part of Czech dissent on the other. It explains the factors that led – despite early euphoria and the affinity of some West-European and Czech ecological politicians – to the gradual cooling of relations between European and Czech Greens. The next part is dedicated to the role of some West-European Greens in the “dark-green” revolution in the Czech Green Party from 2002–03, their eventual disappointment, as well as the influence of intra-party conflict in the Czech Green Party concerning the structure of the European Greens. The subsequent section is a description and explanation of the direct interference by some European green politicians in conflict within the Czech Green Party, involving Milan Horáček, Petr Uhl and Ivan Dejmal on one side and Jakub Patočka and Jan Beránek on the other. The text also deals with the activities of Milan Horáček – the first Czech deputy from the (German) Greens, as well as relations between the youth sections of the European and Czech Greens. The article concludes with a prediction of future relations between Bursík’s Czech Green Party and Patočka’s Czech Green Party on one side, and European Greens on the other.

Key words

Green party, Czech Green party, greens, relations between Czech and European Greens, ecological politicians, intraparty conflict, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Milan Horáček, Petr Uhl, Ivan Dejmal, Jakub Patočka, Jan Beránek

Abstract

The Moravian movement became strong after November 1989, predominantly due to the surprising success of the Movement for Self-Governing Democracy – Association for Moravia and Silesia (HSD-SMS). This article analyzes the origin and development of another radical Moravist party – the Moravian National Party (MNS) in the period 1990–1997. MNS was established at the end of September 1990 and its activities continued until MNS transformed in 1997. MNS sharply defended the rights of Moravia („the Moravian nation“) and formed an integral part of the fragmented pro-Moravian movement. MNS has never achieved any great success in parliamentary or municipal elections. For that reason it has always failed to push through any of its fundamental political demands in the area of territorial reorganization of the state (federalist state). In 1997, MNS and the Bohemian-Moravian Center Union (ČMUS) integrated into a new political subject called the Moravian Democratic Party (MoDS), representing marginal political parties in the Czech party system. Currently, the Moravian movement is weak and remains an irrelevant part of the Czech political system.

Key words

Moravian National Party, MNS, moravist party, federalist state, nationalist party, Moravian nation, Ivan Dřímal

Abstract

Marek Hrubec. 2004. Globální spravedlnost a demokracie, Praha: FILOSOFIA.

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Zdenka Mansfeldová, Aleš Kroupa (eds.). 2005. Participace a zájmové organizace v České republice, Praha: Sociologické nakladatelství, 244 pages.

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Vlastimil Havlík, Petr Kaniok (eds.). 2006. Euroskepticismus a země střední a východní Evropy, Brno: IIPS, 119 pages.

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