Archive 1/2016

Salih Bayram
Yalova University, Turkey
e-mail: salih.bayram@yalova.edu.tr

Abstract

This article examines transitions between presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems in democracies. Using two major datasets, it identifies nine such transitions in eight different countries: Brazil 1961, France 1962, Sri Lanka 1977, Slovakia 1999, Moldova 2000, Turkey 2007, Kenya 2008, Kenya 2010, and the Czech Republic 2012. Findings from a close examination of these cases include the following: most transitions involve the semi-presidential regime type; serious crises precede the transitions in nearly all the cases and change is often used as a means of solving these crises; electoral volatility and turnover in government precede most transitions; change serves different functions in different political contexts, ranging from facilitating acceptance of anti-establishment executives to implementing power-sharing deals; and once achieved, regime change becomes an almost permanent fixture on the political agenda, with debates escalating rather than dying down.

Key words

regime change; parliamentarism; semi-presidentialism; presidentialism

Michal Parízek
Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic
michal.parizek@fsv.cuni.cz

Abstract

Multilateral negotiations form the basis of much international cooperation, but the hurdle of reaching agreement often proves insurmountable. One prominent example of such negotiations is the Doha round of trade liberalization talks in the World Trade Organization (WTO). The round has already lasted more than fourteen years but, so far, has fallen short of its original ambition. This article identifies one possible reason why multilateral negotiations such as those of the Doha round face difficulties, namely the dysfunctional communication among states. I contend that a state’s ability to effectively articulate its interests is inhibited when its interests are dispersed across a number of issues under negotiation rather than focused on one or two primary areas. For straight- forward domestic political reasons, a state that pursues multiple interests in negotiations will have difficulty in credibly communicating its position to other participants. This decreases the efficiency of negotiations, creates delays, and may lead to negotiation deadlock. I test this proposition with the use of a newly collected dataset of coded public statements by representatives of WTO member states at the eight ministerial conferences between 1996 and 2011.

Key words

multilateral negotiations; World Trade Organization; Doha development agenda; international trade; interest articulation, domestic politics

Jiří J. Šebek
Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic
e-mail: sebekj@gmail.com

Abstract

There is marginal empirical evidence of kin among offcials of the Czech Ministry of Foreign A airs and strong evidence among Czech judges and notaries. The members of the Czech Bar Association serve as a control group for occupational following among lawyers - that is lawyers who have followed in their parents’ careers. The Czech population is a reference group for naturally occurring consanguinity. These findings complement international research in occupational following, which is common in many professions, including civil service and the public administration of law. Occupational following in the bureaucratic offices of a liberal democracy is considered discriminatory, as it provides an unfair advantage and opportunities.

Key words

nepotism; occupational following; in-group favouritism; Czech Republic; John Rawls; justice; isonymy

Hang Nguyen
RMIT University, Australia
e-mail: s3374642@student.rmit.edu.au

Abstract

This paper aims to argue that the Nixon administration (1969–1974) steadily reviewed U.S. relations with the European Community. With a documentary approach, this paper will show that the Nixon administration’s new strategy toward the European Community implied a redefinition of U.S. policy towards European integration. The Nixon administration decided that the U.S. needed to reduce Europe’s free riding on the United States and asked the European Community to be more responsible for its own defense. Four initiatives − the Reduction of Costs and Forces in Europe (REDCOSTE), o set agreements with the FRG, the Nixon doctrine, and the new strategy toward NATO − demonstrated the Nixon administration’s attempts to carry out a new kind of diplomacy which aimed to look after U.S. national interests and leave the internal evolution of the European integration process to the Europeans.

Key words

the Nixon administration; REDCOSTE; o set agreements; the Nixon doctrine; NATO; European integration process

Abstract

Rosůlek, Přemysl (2014). Politický secesionismus a etické teorie. Allen Buchanan a jeho kritici. Plzeň: Barrister & Principal, 172 stran.

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Abstract

Bowler, Shaun and Donovan, Todd (2013). The Limit of Electoral Reform. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 164 pages.

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Baun, Michael and Marek, Dan (2014). Cohesion Policy in the European Union. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 272 pages.

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